The concept of the “free and open Indo-Pacific” is part of his enormous geopolitical legacy
’s successor, the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. That, says Mr Turnbull, showed, “We don’t have to do everything with the Americans.” That the door is still open for the United States to return—the glaring absence in its grand Asian strategy is an economic dimension—is down to Mr Abe above all.
Across Asia, Mr Abe’s newly assertive diplomacy was much less controversial than it was at home. That might surprise some. After all, especially in South-East Asia, countries are reluctant to be openly dragged into the great geopolitical struggle between China and America for regional supremacy—and Japan is America’s indispensable Asian ally.
Yet Japan has plenty of appeal in the region. Commercial ties run deep. Japanese state-backed aid and loans provide a welcome alternative in South-East Asia to China’s Belt and Road Initiative of lending for infrastructure. Japan offers many of the goodies of investment and technology transfer without the political pressures to sign up to an official narrative that China brings to bear.
In part because Japan rarely lectures other countries, rulers with hang-ups about America often have no problems with Japan. Like his predecessor, Rodrigo Duterte, anti-American grievances run through the new president of the Philippines, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos. But, like Mr Duterte, Mr Marcos evinces no qualms working with Japan, including on defence co-operation. And Japan is today a much more engaged partner. That is thanks to the transformations that Mr Abe wrought.
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