In Nadine Dorries new book, The Plot: The Political Assassination of Boris Johnson, she reveals what really goes on behind the doors of number 10 and who the actual power players are.
In the third exclusive extract from her riveting exposé of the sinister forces at the heart of the Tory Party, Nadine Dorries reveals how the campaign to undermine Boris Johnson was fuelled by their fears he would be too difficult to control.
The trouble was that Boris won too big and, on election night in 2019, they were furious, fearing that the confidence his 80-seat majority gave him would make it more difficult to control him. And they were right. Boris constantly pushed back against all of them; and that made them more determined and furious.
Special word of comfort: Boris's wife Carrie, holding daughter Romy, consoles him after his resignation speech outside No 10 last year 'The Prime Minister was always about proportion, but they were certainly all aligned on the very hard end of delivering lockdown. It was Gove who made it happen but, as with all things associated with Gove, few actually knew that, and those who did were on Gove's side. Cummings, Gove and Lee Cain were totally aligned on a hard lockdown; not one person backed the Prime Minister.
Their spinning was the foundation of a narrative placed in the mind of the public that all was not well in No 10, designed to undermine Boris's credibility and dent his popularity.As the No 10 aide who had first pleaded with me to write about all this put it: 'Parties, my a***.
The reply was as I expected: Nothing Lee Cain told her was challenged. What he said was simply placed into the report. Lee worked for Cummings, who was the other half of Gove. The first big question here is who was leaking information about parties to the Press? I think it was a Cummings leak, initially, to cause Boris harm, but it ran away with him. He couldn't hold that particular tiger by the tail once it was out.
Those partying in the press office didn't want to be discovered, so they threw journalists off the scent by putting Boris in the frame. He replied: 'We tried, after Sue Gray's report appeared, to track down the sources of her allegations. It all just crumbled away. Most people think, as a result of her narrative, that I was either at illegal parties or knew about illegal parties, and I did not.'
The response from permanent secretaries across Whitehall was one of universal utter amazement when the announcement was made that Dominic Cummings had demanded that he was given the job. The source I codenamed M said: 'These included those who will never forgive him for taking us out of the EU, former ministers bitter because they will never be ministers again and people who were never going to be given a job. And then there was the 2019 intake of MPs, who lacked spine and, like children, panicked every time they got an adverse comment on their Twitter feed.'
Nor was he being helped by his Chancellor. Boris told me: 'By the time we came out of Covid, people wanted a dynamic plan to kick-start the economy, so I kept saying to Rishi: 'Come on, what's the economic plan?' But he just refused to engage with me. 'At that point there had been a handful of resignations, including Rishi Sunak's, but they were more a damp squib than a thunderclap, and it was possible things could be turned around. It was July. We could have turned it around to get Boris safely into the recess.
'Simone just disappeared at that point; she slipped out of the room and shut the door behind her and I caught her expression, and I thought, hang on, does she know something? I think I knew right then, but it was too late, the die was cast. 'It was obvious Michael knew exactly what he was doing. He wanted to destabilise Boris, to unnerve him before one of the biggest moments of his life.'
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